Shadow People - a short description

Shadow people, also known as shadow people, are enigmatic entities that have fascinated paranormal investigators for years. Their descriptions are incredibly varied, making it difficult to definitively determine their nature. Those who have encountered them report experiences ranging from seeing silhouettes without detail to amorphous blurs or swirling columns of smoke. Shadow people often seem to be tied to specific locations or individuals, and their personalities range from skittish to malicious.

"Shadow people?" you say...

Yes! Shadow people.

"But who are they?" you ask...

No one probably knows, but these types of supernatural entities are among the most frequently described by those with the ability to observe ghosts in general. They might seem like hallucinations, but their descriptions vary so widely that no two people have ever seen and described the same type of entity.

Shadow people (or shadow people, depending on the translation), also called shadow relatives, are usually, for some reason, attached to a single person or place. They are often seen as human-shaped figures, usually male, who observe someone unnoticed and disappear the moment they are noticed. However, this isn't always the case. While some see a human form devoid of detail, others describe the figures as amorphous, bunchy black spots or swirling columns of black smoke. Some detect odors associated with these figures, while most smell nothing at all. The personalities of these figures vary, from fearful and timid to extremely malicious, while some witnesses describe them as beings representing pure evil. Some witnesses say that shadow people are a type of human spirit, while others say they are strictly elemental or demonic beings. In any case, the only term that consistently appears in their descriptions seems to be "dark."

I had the opportunity to meet a woman on the Undernet (American chat room - Ivellios' note) in the #ghosts channel who had encountered shadow people and had a unique theory about them. She believes that shadow people are usually ghosts, but observed by people in different stages due to their varying abilities to perceive ghosts, which determine a person's ability to "receive a clear signal."

"Just like with a television program," she told me, "the picture is only good with good reception. With poor reception, you won't get a clear picture, and details will be lost. With good reception, the picture is crystal clear, with a large number of dots filling in the details. People have different reception abilities, depending on their level of psychic abilities and the current atmospheric conditions."

Shadow people

Shadow people, mysterious entities, have fascinated paranormal investigators for years. Described as shadowy figures with masculine outlines, often wearing hats, they evoke mixed feelings of fear and anxiety. Although they do not manifest negative emotions, their presence carries an air of uneasiness. Phenomena related to shadow people are remarkably consistent among witness accounts worldwide, leading to speculation about their nature and purpose. Are they aliens or perhaps beings from another dimension? What mysteries lie behind their presence?

For as long as ghost-related research and phenomena have existed, so too have reports of "shadow people." These shadowy people are described as indistinct, shadow-like, and their appearance is accompanied by a strange sensation. They almost always take on a masculine form, are tall and broad, and perhaps their strangest characteristic is that they are almost always seen wearing hats. Sometimes they have red eyes that seem to pierce you. Are they "ordinary" ghosts? People mostly answer in the negative. Shadow people usually seem to have no specific purpose for their visits, nor do they emit negative feelings, but they do seem to be malevolent in some way. An important element of shadow people sightings is that, unlike "conventional" ghosts, they seem aware of our presence. Often, these manifestations involve entities that seem to go about their daily business, and they are rarely noticed or attempt to communicate with humans. These shadow people seem aware of our presence and, in fact, seem to want us to feel aversion or fear towards them.

Are shadow people evil? I'm inclined to think so, especially because of the negative atmosphere they create around them. However, documentation of negative events caused by shadow people is quite sparse. In fact, in most hauntings, the apparitions appear gradually or disappear as soon as they are noticed. The shadow people don't seem to speak or approach the witness, but instead stand at doorways and in corners of rooms.

This photo of the "shadowy entity" was taken with a webcam while the tenant was away. The figure is visible in only two frames.

Some say shadow people are aliens or time-traveling beings. This is an interesting theory because it suggests that these entities not only exist but are frequent visitors to our lives. Why do they hang around so much? Are we being studied by them? Is this why there are so many reports of "evil feelings" coming from these creatures?

What makes shadow people a fascinating phenomenon is the consistency of the observations. Whether the observation is made by an elderly person, a child, or anyone else, witnesses always see the same thing. The accounts and memories of people living on opposite sides of the world are strikingly similar. However, shadow people are a regular part of many people's lives.

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Nearly three months later, the twins left the hospital in seemingly better health. However, in an eerie, parallel way, they experienced a relapse. To those who knew and loved them, it seemed as if the sisters had access to some extraordinary world where they could both find unity. No one else was granted knowledge of this fantastic world.

They shuttled between the hospital and home, sometimes staying at the clinic for long periods. Finally, in January 1962, they were released. They were prescribed special medications to keep at home. But in their fantasy world, the medications represented chains that bound the sisters back to reality. They refused to take them. Eventually, they were unable to eat unless forced.

On April 1, 1962, horribly emaciated and barely aware of the real world, the twins found themselves once again in Broughton Clinic. Mental illness had ravaged their minds in a terrifyingly similar way. But the pattern of Bobbie's dominance was still present: Bobbie ate more than Betty and was therefore less emaciated. Psychiatrists at Broughton recognized this pattern and concluded that Bobbie's dominance over Betty was, in some inexplicable way, exacerbating the sisters' illness. They believed that if they could be separated, severing the link between the twins might help restore their health.

Bobbie and Betty were thus separated. Bobbie was placed in Ward 8, Betty in Ward 12. This was their first physical separation since mental illness had fused them together several years earlier.

During the night, both sisters suffered a catatonic attack. Their bodies stiffened, both froze in place. Both stared blankly into space. Both bit their lower lips. They couldn't see each other—they were effectively isolated from each other, being on different wards. However, later, when the nurses on duty compared their notes, it was discovered that the outward symptoms of the attack were the same.

The twins were given sedatives. At least this time, they weren't treated like twins: each was given a different medication, Bobbie by injection, Betty by mouth. The sisters calmed down and went to sleep. Bobbie was alone in a room on Ward 8, where a nurse kept a watchful eye on her in case of another seizure. Betty was with another patient in a room on Ward 12.

Around 11:00 on Wednesday evening, Betty got out of bed. She said she wanted a drink of water. A nurse came into the room, soothed her, and put her back in bed. After a while, she checked if Betty was asleep by shining a light on her face for a moment. Betty opened her eyes and then fell asleep again.

At five o'clock on Wednesday night, the nurse on duty on Bobbie's ward felt something had happened. She couldn't explain the feeling, but something drew her to the sick woman's bed. Bobbie was dead

Realizing the strange bond between the two sisters, the nurse immediately called Ward 12 and asked for someone to check on Betty. She lay dead on the floor. Investigators later determined that the twins were found lying in the same position, on the same side, with their legs drawn up in the same manner.

Suicide was ruled out for a number of reasons. Psychiatric hospitals employ extremely rigorous precautions in this regard. The hospital's records contain numerous prevented suicides. Furthermore, taking one's own life didn't fit the behavioral pattern of schizophrenic twins. "Suicide," Dr. Kaalimann stated in his study, "is one of those rare acts that has no chance of being carried out in the lives of both twins."

However, the cause of death still needed to be determined. The task was assigned to the eminent pathologist Dr. John C. Reece, former president of the North Carolina Pathological Society and the State Medical Society.

After performing a detailed autopsy, he discovered that the twins' resemblance extended to their internal organs. For example, the brains of both women were shaped almost identically. Describing his search for the cause of death, Dr. Reece was forced to rule out each conceivable cause, one by one.

"I did not detect any signs of injury or disease that could have caused the twins' deaths," he said.

In both death certificates he left the "Cause of death" column blank.

The next step was to send the sisters' internal organs for more detailed analysis. The investigators' laboratory technicians tried to detect even the slightest traces of drug poisoning. There was, for example, a certain possibility that the sisters' fatal reactions had been triggered by sedatives. But these drugs were well-known, tested pharmaceuticals, and even if one were to accept the far-fetched hypothesis that the twins were exposed to two different drugs at the same time, the fatal reactions would have manifested themselves in their internal organs in radically different ways.

Like Dr. Reece, the lab workers were unable to determine the cause of death. The internal organs of the deceased were therefore sent to the FBI's most equipped forensic laboratory in the world. The problem overwhelmed even the scientists there.

One can only speculate on a theory no scientist would want to entertain. Perhaps, in that fantasy world where they spent their final years, Bobbie and Betty discovered a power that allowed them to summon death through sheer force of will. But how did they manage to unleash this power simultaneously?

The answer may lie in Bobbie's dominance over her sister. Perhaps this dominance became overpowering to the point of fatality. Dr. Reece, seeking answers beyond the autopsy table, consulted the physician who treated the twins' family.

An old country doctor said of his tormented patients: "They were like two people with one brain. And that brain belonged to Bobbie."

Twins

Bobbie and Betty, twin sisters from Purlear, North Carolina, lived lives so closely knit that they seemed to be one. Their identical experiences, from childhood to adolescence, were, however, overshadowed by a growing mental illness that ultimately led to tragic events. After years of living together and dominating each other, in 1962, both sisters were committed to a psychiatric hospital, where their fates became inexplicably intertwined. Shortly after their bodies were separated, both died under identical circumstances, leaving behind an unsolved mystery whose key may lie in their inseparable bond.

Bobbie and Betty lived identical lives, and they shared identical deaths. They died at the same time, at midnight, and both death certificates stated identically that the cause was undetermined. None of the known physical ailments killed the twins. Yet, it seemed as if death struck from within. Had they summoned it by the power of their will? Or perhaps one of the sisters had caused their demise?

The shadow of death fell upon the sisters from the moment they were born. Bobbie and Betty were born on August 19, 1930, in Purlear, North Carolina. Their third child, Billie, was also born that day, but only two of the triplets survived.

Bobbie and Betty went to school in identical outfits. They suffered from the same childhood illnesses at the same time. They bought the same kind of candy. They had their tonsils removed at the same time, and when one of them had toothache, the other also had toothache. When one of them had a tooth decayed and had to be extracted, her sister's tooth was beginning to decay and also had to be extracted.

In fifth grade, when the twins were eleven years old, they were tested. The tests revealed that the sisters' physical identity extended beyond teeth and tonsils, but extended far deeper. The inseparability of their lives was also reflected in their intellectual unity. In school, they achieved identical or nearly identical grades.

It seems that around this time, a new kind of relationship began to develop between them. Although the girls still seemed indistinguishable to outside observers, their parents and some teachers noticed that Bobbie was starting to slightly overtake Betry and gain a slight advantage over her, both physically and mentally.

Perhaps it was then that the sisters reached a decisive juncture in their twin lives. Bobbie's otherness could have alienated her from Betra. Each girl could have begun to live more fully in her own way, could have developed a more authentic individuality. But this didn't happen. On the contrary, the twin similarity deepened, with Bobbie beginning to gain dominance.

In high school, they were still close and stayed close. Both were members of the chorus group because of their exceptional musical talent. When one of them began humming a tune, the other would pick up the tune, carrying on in the same voice, even if the sisters were seemingly out of earshot.

Forensic experts who later had the disheartening opportunity to delve into the girls' ritual detected a pattern of increasing dominance on Bobbie's part. By their third year of high school, the twins held senior positions in class government. Bobbie had straight A's; Betty had straight B's.

In a secret assessment of their teachers' character traits, Bobbie was judged to be more reliable and hardworking than Betty, though most teachers considered both likable and admirable. Both took piano lessons. Bobbie played better than Betty, towering over her by two and a half centimeters and weighing slightly more. In high school, she occasionally dated boys. Betty stayed home. Bobbie's handwriting matured compared to Betty's. Based on school records and interviews with people who knew the twins, a picture emerges of Bobbie becoming increasingly authoritarian, and Betty becoming increasingly subservient. Bobbie, for example, had poorer eyesight than Betty and had to wear glasses. Betty also began wearing glasses, even though she didn't need them. And when Bobbie stopped wearing her glasses, Betty stopped, just as suddenly. At one point, Betty even spelled her name with an "ie" at the end to resemble Bobbie's. Although there wasn't any noticeable tension between Bobbie and Betty, after high school, Bobbie apparently tried to break away and live on her own. She got a job at a general store ten miles away. This was the first time either twin had left Purlear, and also the first time they'd ever been separated.

After about a year, Bobbie quit her job, and the sisters became inseparable again. They met briefly in Purlear, then headed to Winston-Salem, where they resumed their pattern of parallel lives. They found work in the same cigarette factory, lived in the same tenement building, and came home together on weekends.

Neither they nor their relatives or friends realized that deep within their twin minds, psychic time bombs had long been ticking. The same gene duplication process that gave them identical toothaches and gray-brown eyes had also triggered an identical kind of madness within them.

Bobbie seemed to be the first to succumb to his attack. After two years in Winston-Salem, she returned home and began to act, as the Purlear residents put it, "quite unlike herself." Betty tried to stay in Winston-Salem a little longer, clearly struggling to gain her own independent identity. But she, too, returned to Purlear, as if drawn by an invisible magnet.

Returning home, the twins began to live their own lives, in a strange, detached world. When anyone came, they fled to another room. They were withdrawn, pathologically shy, suspicious, and timid. "They couldn't cope with themselves at all," their father said. And with the insight of a mountain preacher, Pastor Eller diagnosed his daughters' illness. Doctors call it schizophrenia.

Bobbie and Betty simultaneously succumbed to the slowly and inexorably progressing illness. They became increasingly detached from reality, retreating further and further into their tangled selves. Eventually, the family committed the sisters to the state psychiatric hospital in Morganton, about forty miles from Purlear. It was January 1961.

Bedroom-visitors. Saskia's case

The term "bedroom visitors" refers to alien entities that appear in homes, often at night, with various intentions—from abductions to simple manifestations. The story of Saskia from Hesse, who experienced several disturbing visitations, becomes the focal point of research on this phenomenon. In her accounts, she recounts strange appearances in her bedroom, including a small figure that disappeared behind a wardrobe, and mysterious, hooded beings she saw while on vacation. Her experiences fit into the broader context of paranormal phenomena and alien abductions.

Bedroom visitors are a term used to describe alien beings who unexpectedly appear in houses and apartments, but not necessarily in bedrooms. The time of day also varies, although most of these appearances occur at night. The purpose of these visits varies; sometimes they involve abductions, other times they involve the appearance of a given entity only to vanish into thin air a moment later. In some bizarre cases, the intention has been simply to chat or convey information.

Readers of Johannes Fiebag's books are familiar with the case of Saskia of Hesse (Germany), and although several years have passed since the book's publication, we managed to locate this woman. Saskia agreed to retell her story and even draw the drawings we include below.

UFOs seem to have taken a liking to this person. According to her, she had several occasions where she saw bright dots in the sky that couldn't have been airplanes or stars. After waking up in the middle of the night and needing to go out onto the balcony to observe the bright dots, she became ill for the next three days, with headaches, nausea, and utter discomfort as a side effect of the sightings.

the early 1990s, there was a night visit to Saskia's apartment.

"My son made himself a bed, as he often does, on the floor next to my bed. He was already asleep when I turned out the light. I was lying on my left side, looking out the window. Suddenly, I felt something groping me under the covers. It slowly slid onto my right hip, where my hand was also resting. I waited quietly until it moved close enough for me to grab it. I was still convinced it was my child's hand. When it was next to mine, I grabbed it quite energetically. It was a hand, but I felt in its grip that it was a very thin hand with three or four long fingers, which, under the pressure of the grip, slipped over each other. I held it in my hand for a short moment, when it was yanked away from me. I threw myself in bed and saw a small figure, about 90-100 cm tall, who almost fell over my son, who was sleeping on the floor. However, it quickly regained its balance and disappeared behind the wardrobe. I can't give any details; what I saw was a shadow or a dark silhouette, in a room with the lights off it was impossible to see any details."

The unknown is hiding behind the wardrobe

According to Saskia, not only did she not hear any footsteps or notice any light coming in when she opened the bedroom door, but the strangest thing is that the wardrobe is no more than 5 cm from the wall, leaving no room to hide. This, however, is precisely what sets Bedrom visitors apart: they can disappear, vanish into thin air, and, according to some witnesses, even "enter walls."

In 1995, Saskia experienced an unexpected visit, the scene of the incident was again the bedroom.

"I woke up in the morning, it was already light, and I lay there with my eyes closed, enjoying the blissful silence. After a while, I opened my eyes, looked at the end of the bed, and... I wasn't even scared when I saw the head and neck of a deer. I just thought, 'What nonsense, a deer in the bedroom,' at the same moment the thought flashed through my mind, 'That's not a deer, that's something else.' This "something" opened its eyes wide and... vanished into thin air. It seemed strange to me from the very beginning, because why would a deer be in my bedroom? When I tried to remember what it looked like, I realized it had nothing to do with a deer, probably just those big, round eyes. The creature actually looked more terrified than I did."

A drawing of a supposed "roe deer"

While on holiday in Sri Lanka in 1997, another incident occurred in a hotel room.

"Before my vacation, I bought a book by B. Hopkins about human abductions. I had read the first few pages when the fateful night occurred. I woke up worried, I don't really know what woke me. There were two hooded beings in the room, one next to my sleeping husband and the other to my side, and even though I had my back to it and couldn't see it, I knew it was there. I didn't know how it happened, I was filled with immense fear, I was so tense I was afraid to even breathe. Facing my husband, I was electrified. I saw this figure next to my husband and I was sure it was behind me too. I started to be pulled down the bed. I looked at my husband in terror. I called out "honey" three or four times, but I couldn't hear my own voice, only my throat was sore and burning with pain. I was completely panicked and hoped he would help me, but he didn't hear me. While they were pulling me out of bed, I lay on my stomach with my arms stretched up. My husband He woke up briefly, raised his head, and looked at me. Then the figure standing next to him raised his hand, and my husband went back to sleep. At that moment, I realized no one was going to help me. I still remember feeling like I was falling or floating in the air, and then I blacked out.

The next moment I remember, I was sitting in bed, dazed. My husband was asleep. I woke him up and, with difficulty, told him everything. He was agitated because he could confirm part of my story, but he perceived it as a dream—for me, it was reality.

the time, it helped that my husband had seen these figures; it was a time in my life when I thought it was all just a hallucination and I would probably end up in a mental hospital someday, but here was someone who could confirm that I wasn't imagining it."

Hooded figure from the hotel

The first thing that catches the eye is Hopkins's book, which describes precisely such cases. Such reading can have a powerful effect on a person's subconscious, ultimately leading to such dreams. If it weren't for Saskia's husband, who woke up and, despite immediately going back to sleep, remembered what his wife had said. Unfortunately, we weren't able to contact him – this man is very down-to-earth, and alien abductions or UFOs are complete nonsense to him. He even pushes aside the memorable night during his vacation, refusing to discuss it with anyone. Saskia said that the topic of that night is very unpleasant for him, and even after all the conversations she's tried to have with him, he remains skeptical of paranormal phenomena.

Saskia's case roughly parallels alien abductions. Here, we experience a phenomenon of complete helplessness in the face of the attackers, a brief return to consciousness, followed by a phase of unconsciousness. A complete electrification of the surroundings and total silence are also often observed, or rather experienced, by witnesses who see UFOs.

Research on subliminal messages shows that subliminal stimuli are processed consciously.

Research on subliminal messaging is providing new insights into how our brains process seemingly unconscious information. Experiments conducted by scientists at the University of Tokyo have demonstrated that subliminal stimuli are consciously processed by the brain and their impact can be controlled by conscious instructions. The study used transtemporal magnetic stimulation (TMS) to analyze the brain's response to these stimuli, shedding new light on learning mechanisms and how our expectations influence information processing. These findings could transform our understanding of automatic cognitive processes.

The common notion of subliminal messages is that they enter the unconscious mind uncontrolled and unprocessed. However, experiments conducted by neuroscientists show that the brain consciously processes subliminal information and that this processing of subliminal messages is sensed.

In the November 9, 2006 issue of Neuron, published by Cell Press, Kimhiro Nakamura and his colleagues described experiments with volunteers demonstrating subliminal information processing.

Their findings also shed light on the neural mechanism responsible for processing printed words into spoken form. This "lexical-phonic" connection is essential for learning through reading and is disrupted in some reading disorders.

In the experiments, researchers showed volunteers words or pronounced syllables and asked them to write down the words or pronounce them. The lexical task was intended to determine whether the word they saw existed or not.

However, without prior familiarization with the topics, they were first presented with a subliminal word that either matched or mismatched the target word. These subliminal words were "masked" with illegible font, generating a subliminal presentation. In the first experiments, the researchers presented volunteers with subliminal words identical to the target words, which had an "informative" effect, as the subjects responded more quickly to lexical or pronunciation tasks.

The researchers then applied non-invasive transtemporal magnetic stimulation (TMS) to two key brain regions after being shown a basic word. Both regions were identified as supporting or converting visually perceived words into phonic form or processing heard words into written or auditory form.

Nakamura and his colleagues found that TMS targeted one brain region or selectively disrupted another, effectively disrupting performance on either a lexical or pronunciation task. The researchers concluded that conscious instruction to perform the task was necessary because different neural networks generated the appropriate responses in both tasks.

In conclusion, the researchers stated that they "provided direct evidence that even subliminal processing of stimuli occurs under the influence of conscious task instructions." They added that "the results further suggest that such strategic control modulates the inductive neural excitation, elicited by unconsciously perceived words in the set, onto a different neural pathway to generate the intended behavioral response."

In their Neuron article preview, Stanislas Deahenne and Lionel Naccache noted that "perhaps the most important implication of Nakamura et al.'s experiment concerns our notion of automaticity. Many theories assume that unconscious cognitive processes are automatic and independent of attention. Recently, however, reports of experiments using hidden information show that subliminal messages are subject to several influences. By showing that repetition can be disrupted by applying TMS to different locations, the present results strongly support this view."

Deahenne and Naccache concluded that the study results "support the idea that the entire processing chain defined by a consciously prepared task can be applied to unconsciously perceived stimuli. Thus, 'subliminal' does not mean 'automatic' or 'task-independent'. Our expectations influence our processing of subliminal stimuli."

A case study of evidence for the existence of paranormal phenomena

In recent years, paranormal phenomena have attracted the attention of both researchers and amateurs, leading to the emergence of a wealth of controversial evidence. This article will discuss the challenges of reliably investigating such phenomena and the importance of eliminating mundane factors. Brian Leffler of The Northern Minnesota Paranormal Investigators will share his tips for properly documenting and analyzing potential evidence, avoiding the pitfalls of improper use of equipment and research methods

The object from Zdanów. The photo has gone viral, becoming the butt of jokes in the process... so is it really a UFO, or just two platters stuck together?

I'm sure everyone agrees that the presentation of evidence can sometimes be very thinly woven. Everyone sometimes has to cope with the fact that they thought they had something, but what they had turned out to be just dust, or something called matrixing. The problem arises when multiple groups are interested in evidence of questionable value, accepting it as definitive without even examining it or knowing how to examine it. I think everyone wants their evidence to be good. Of course, there are those who aren't worth paying attention to, who "investigate" ghosts for the sheer thrill of it, not for the actual purpose of examining them. This leads me to conclude that this is the case in most cases. Nevertheless, if you surf the internet, you've probably come across many sites presenting evidence that is largely considered fake by those who view it.

As most of us know, the only way to determine the nature of a paranormal phenomenon is through elimination. You must eliminate all mundane factors before you can claim you've captured something paranormal.

We at The Northern Minnesota Paranormal Investigators pride ourselves on conducting rigorous research. Indeed, many people have gotten angry with me because their evidence, which I saw, had never been examined before it reached my hands. These people "had hunches" from photographs, possessed EVP recordings or videos, and didn't use real research methods to expertly evaluate their evidence. This may sound strange, but we rely heavily on our own evidence, not on evidence from other people.

This photo shows how easy it is to "create" orbs with a spray bottle.

Below, I'd like to share some tips for those who don't analyze their work and procrastinate. Whether you're a novice or just starting out in research, please follow them, as I hope they'll be helpful.

1. Get rid of digital equipment. Using digital equipment, because it can be manipulated after the photos are taken, doesn't eliminate mundane factors. Besides the fact that there's nothing tangible about it, you can't examine such material. Use a good 35mm film camera; this will eliminate 99% of the dust that digital cameras typically pick up. And something else... did you know that cameras aren't admissible as evidence in court, at least in the US? If they're not considered evidence, could whey serve as satisfactory proof of a paranormal phenomenon?

2. Orbs are very difficult to photograph and study. Most orbs captured in digital camera photos are dust, moisture, pollen, etc. These constitute 98% of such objects. If you photograph something similar with a digital camera, simply ignore it. Since digital cameras essentially create orbs, you can't tell if an orb captured in a photo is a paranormal phenomenon. When you capture an orb on film, it won't be static, three-dimensional, thin, limp, and never have a halo. If an orb has a halo, it's simply dust and shouldn't be considered. Objects captured on video must demonstrate direction and/or changes in acceleration and resist air movement in the location being filmed.

3. Use a tripod when filming with a video camera. This will produce video that shows the entire area being filmed and allows you to zoom in and get closer to even very small objects. Even if you capture something with a still camera, camera movement will destroy evidence, as such evidence can always be the result of camera movement. A tripod on the camera will allow you to observe, film, and capture good, strong evidence.

One of the few confirmed orbs. The above shots come from the US state of Colorado, where a few years ago, the owners of a house left a video camera on overnight (the shots are from the documentary "The world's scariest ghosts caught on tape

4. When investigating, always be aware of the situation. You can't run around clapping and jumping when you catch something others might call paranormal. If you don't know the circumstances, the evidence you capture won't be evidence at all. Make sure the area you're investigating is closed and clear of other people. You need to know if anyone will be passing by the area you're investigating. Eliminate all earthly factors before any of them appear!

5. Never whisper when recording EVP. I constantly hear about evidence recorded this way during demonstrations. You never know which is real EVP and which is just a recorded whisper. This is one of the principles of our research group. We always advise anyone studying EVP: "Never whisper."

6. Don't break the law by trying to get into a place you want to research. ALWAYS make sure you have permission to enter. If you break the law, it only shows that you're not a responsible and trustworthy person. How can I then believe what you're saying? If you break the law by conducting research, you'll manipulate evidence without thinking about it, and then I'm afraid that evidence will be worthless.

I know there's more to it than that. However, I hope these tips will prove helpful. I think by using them, we can convince a few more skeptics that what we're doing isn't a waste of time and energy!